Monday 10 December 2012

Microsoft - monopoly power and anti competitive practices


Being a leader in an industry, besides success, brings a lot of issues, which is visible in the Microsoft’s case. The best known antitrust cases in the last three decades are the ones against Microsoft, whereby the USA and EU accused Microsoft of anti competitive behaviour.
This article will try to answer whether Microsoft is a monopoly in the PC operating system market and whether it maintained this status by acting anti-competitively. 

Microsoft’s Business
Microsoft is a multinational software company which was founded in 1975 by Bill Gates and Paul Allen in Albuquerque, New Mexico (Cusumano and Selby, 1995). Today, Microsoft is headquartered in Redmond, Washington and operates its business in five segments: Windows Division, Server and Tools, Online Services Division, Microsoft Business Division, and Entertainment and Devices Division. These operating segments, along with Microsoft’s products and services are set out in the Table 1.  Its core products are the Windows PC operating system and the Office business productivity application. Microsoft also makes video game consoles, enterprise applications, server and storage software. Furthermore, Microsoft is engaged in online advertising, mobile software, consulting, and support services. Its main and biggest competitors in almost each operating segment are Apple, Google and Yahoo.

Table 1: Microsoft’s operating segments and main competitors
Source: www.microsoft.com



























The greatness of Microsoft’s business can be presented through its revenues which show the very rapid growth of the company (Table 2).  In the company’s first year in business, Microsoft generated 16 thousands US dollars in revenues, but this rose to an extraordinary 16 million US dollars within the next six years. Microsoft’s revenues have grown consistently over the years, reaching almost 70 billion US dollars in 2011. 
Table 2: Microsoft’s net revenues 1975-2011 
Source: Cusumano and Selby (1995) and Microsoft Annual Reports




























What is the background of Microsoft’s huge success? Cusumano and Selby (1995) see Microsoft as a company with remarkably effective ideas on how to compete and market products in a rapidly expanding and evolving industry. Even if so, Microsoft was faced with very serious accusations of using anticompetitive practices in order to maintain its monopolistic position in personal computer operating systems. The best known antitrust cases include the legal actions brought by the USA and the European Commission against Microsoft.

The beginning of Microsoft’s Troubles in the USA and Europe
The first antitrust accusations against Microsoft began in the USA in 1990 when the Federal Trade Commission investigated the company; however the results were inconclusive due to inconsistent evidence which did not make it possible to reach a single conclusion (Gilbert and Katz, 2001). 
Not long thereafter, the U.S. Department of Justice complained that Microsoft was using exclusionary and anticompetitive practices with personal computer manufacturers so as to maintain a monopoly in personal computer operating systems. This resulted in signing the consent decree between both sides, where Microsoft agreed to abide by certain restrictions on its licensing arrangements . However, shortly thereafter, Microsoft requested PC manufacturers to install and licence Microsoft’s browser Internet Explorer in order to obtain a licence for the Microsoft’s operating system Windows 95. Microsoft’s argument was that those two are not separate products; instead Microsoft claimed that it is an integrated product. At that time the leading browser was Netscape Navigator. The U.S. Department of Justice disagreed with Microsoft’s statement of integrated product and the District Court ordered Microsoft to offer these products as two separated ones. However, the Court of Appeals reversed the decision (Gilbert and Katz, 2001) not resulting in any penalties for Microsoft.  
In 1998 the US government (the U.S. Department of Justice and twenty individual states ) brought an antitrust case against Microsoft accusing it for the monopolisation of the markets for PC operating systems and internet browsers (Gilbert and Katz, 2001) and the trial against Microsoft started. The government assumptions were that Microsoft was engaged in various forms of predatory conduct, by forcing PC manufacturers to licence and install Microsoft’s internet browser and was forcing them to enter into exclusionary contracts. Moreover, Netscape Navigator and Java, middleware  products written for multiple operating systems, were in the centre of this case, and Microsoft was threatened by them because it felt they would endanger its monopoly (Motta, 2004).
Microsoft’s troubles in Europe started in 1998 when Sun Microsystems filled a complaint alleging that Microsoft was refusing to supply it with interoperability information necessary to interoperate with Microsoft’s dominant personal computer operating system. In 2000 the European Commission broadened the scope of the investigation to examine Microsoft’s conduct regarding its Windows Media Player product . 
The European Commission argued that Microsoft had dynamic and static incentives to foreclose competitors from the operating system market. Their argument was the same as the US’s government; Microsoft felt threatened by the competitors because they could decrease the monopolist’s profits that Microsoft was enjoying at that time (Genakos et al 2007). 

Final Judgments
Both antitrust cases against Microsoft brought decisions that were not in Microsoft’s favour. Even though Microsoft had appealed, the judgements did not significantly change. 
The trial against Microsoft ended when the District Court firstly issued Conclusions of Law and then the Final Judgement in 2000. In the Conclusions of Law Microsoft was found liable for: (1) the way in which it integrated Internet Explorer into Windows; (2) its various dealings with Original Equipment Manufacturers ("OEMs"), Internet Access Providers ("IAPs"), Internet Content Providers ("ICPs"), Independent Software Vendors ("ISVs"), and Apple Computer; (3) its efforts to contain and to subvert Java technologies; and (4) its course of conduct as a whole . In other words, Microsoft was liable for three antitrust violations: maintaining a monopolist position in the market of Intel-compatible operating systems for personal computers, attempted monopolisation of the internet browser market and tying its Windows operating system with Internet Explorer (Motta, 2004).
Furthermore, the Final Judgement imposed upon Microsoft certain behavioural and structural remedies, which meant a separation of Microsoft into two companies, whereby one company would focus on the operating systems business and the other on the applications business (Motta, 2004). 
Since these decisions were not in Microsoft’s favour, the company appealed to the Court of Appeals. Unfortunately for Microsoft, the Court of Appeals confirmed the maintenance of monopoly claim and condemned the usage of exclusionary and predatory practices, but reversed the decision about attempted monopolisation of the browser market and remanded the case back to the District Court to find an appropriate remedy since the structural remedy was not an option (Rubinfeld, 2009). 
At the end, Microsoft, the US government and nine states reached a settlement in which Microsoft agreed to a range of behavioural remedies, but the remaining states disagreed and did not join the settlement (Rubinfeld, 2009). The District Court accepted most of the proposed settlement.  Some of the remedies enabled the OEMs to (independently) configure Windows OS, protect original equipment manufacturers from possible retaliation, and required Microsoft to modify Windows technology to ensure that manufacturers and end-users may disable various Windows’ functions (Motta, 2004). Moreover, the Court adopted “explicitly forward-looking remedies” which included Application Programming Interfaces disclosures (interoperation between Windows and Microsoft Middleware) and communications protocols (interoperation between PC operating systems and server operating systems).
The case against Microsoft in Europe had a bit different flow than one in the USA. After five years of investigation, the European Commission concluded that Microsoft had abused its monopoly of PC operating systems, hence violated the European Treaty’s competition rules (Genakos et al, 2007). The European Commission found that Microsoft abused its market power by deliberately restricting interoperability between Windows PCs and non-Microsoft work group servers, and by tying its Windows Media Player (WMP), a product where it faced competition, with its ubiquitous Windows operating system . Moreover, the European Commission claimed that Microsoft's conduct significantly weakened competition on the media player market and harmed the competitive process and consumers, who were consequently faced with the higher prices.
In 2004 the European Commission imposed remedies in order to restore the conditions of fair competition and fined Microsoft with 497.2 million euros , or approximately 650 million US dollars, which was approximately 17% of Microsoft’s revenues in 2004. Microsoft was required to disclose within 120 days complete and accurate interface documentation which would allow non-Microsoft work group servers to achieve full interoperability with Windows PCs . Also, within 90 days Microsoft was required to offer to PC manufacturers a version of its Windows client PC operating system without WMP . The Commission also requested Microsoft to retain the right to offer a version of its Windows client PC operating system product with WMP and it must not give PC manufacturers a discount conditional on their buying Windows together with WMP.
Since Microsoft failed to comply with the antitrust decision from 2004, three years later the European Commission fined Microsoft an additional 899 million euros .
Ambiguous Definitions and Issues
Even though that decision was made and Microsoft pleaded guilty for maintaining its monopolistic status and for using exclusionary and predatory practices, there are still some issues regarding this decision brought in the USA. The problems lay in defining monopoly power and determining a monopolistic position, including their market definition, and predatory conduct in software markets (Schmalensee, 2000).
  The District Court and Court of Appeals defined the market as Intel-compatible personal computer operating systems in which Microsoft had more than 95% of shares, but this definition of the market did not include shares of Apple’s Mac operating system or other non-PC based competitors which were of concern to Microsoft . Apple’s Mac operating system was excluded from the relevant market based on the evidence that there was almost no substitutability between Mac operating system and Windows (Rubinfeld, 2009), since consumers would not switch from Windows to Mac OS in response to a substantial price increase because of the costs of acquiring the new hardware needed to run Mac OS and compatible software applications, as well as because of the effort involved in learning the new system and transferring files to its format . Microsoft argued that the relevant market was incorrectly defined and that is substantially broader than Intel-based personal computer operating system (Rubinfeld, 2009). This measure of market share provided a misleading assessment of the degree of competition (Schmalensee, 2000). Since Microsoft took actions against Netscape and Java it means that Microsoft really had competitors at the market, hence it could not have a monopoly power (Rubinfeld, 2009). Moreover, Microsoft did not behave as monopolist, since it charged a much lower price for Windows than it the monopolistic level (Gilbert and Katz, 2001). 
The decision of maintaining the monopoly power in personal computer operating systems also brings issues. Microsoft was accused for engaging in a series of anticompetitive practice in order to keep the monopoly power, and this decision took into consideration high entry barriers and exclusionary and predatory pricing. The government’s and courts’ argument was that integration of Internet Explorer into Windows was predatory (Schmalensee, 2001); since the Internet Explorer was given for free (Rubinfeld, 2009). They claimed that Microsoft could earn more money by selling its internet browser separately for a positive price, but there was no evidence for that (Schmalensee, 2001). Software firms compete statically and dynamically, by selling products and developing new product, and the value of any software platform (e.g. Windows) depends largely on the quality and the number of applications (e.g. Internet Explorer and its applications) written to run on certain platform (Schmalensee, 2001). Microsoft’s competitive actions were motivated by Netscape’s real threat and consequently the possibility of losing market power, because if a substantial number of applications were developed to run on Netscape’s Navigator browser then Microsoft would experience a serious competition from any operating system that worked with Navigator (Klein, 2001). Hence, the way Microsoft fought against competitors can be seen as reasonable and appropriate response of a competitor (Rubinfeld, 2009). 
There are also contradictory opinions for the antitrust case brought in Europe, concerning the imposed remedies. The Commission forced Microsoft to produce and distribute in the EU a version of Windows (known as Windows-N) without Windows Media Player. In the EU the two versions of Windows were sold at the same price and almost no OEM bought and adopted Windows-N. Hence, the remedy imposed by the Commission had no noticeable effect in the marketplace (Economides and Lianos, 2010).  The European Commission argued that consumers were harmed by Microsoft’s anticompetitive behaviour and accused Microsoft for illegal tying (Genakos et al, 2007), but the remedy chosen did not solve any problems, since almost no one bought the new version of Windows. Even though the Commission reacted negatively when Microsoft decided to unbundle Internet Explorer from Windows 7-E, unbundling would seem to be more appropriate remedy in the “tying case” because it would be more effective in terms of reinvigorating competition. Moreover, the problem cannot be solved by the characterization of the Microsoft case as a strictly “tying” case (Economides and Lianos, 2010). 

Conclusion
This article has given an insight into antitrust cases against Microsoft, showing the complex path in deciding whether a company has abused its status in an industry, in this case, the software industry.   
 Both the USA and the European Commission brought decisions that were not in Microsoft’s favour and with serious consequences for Microsoft. Had Microsoft not appealed, the Microsoft that is known today would not exist, since there was a decision which had almost split Microsoft into two companies. All software and high-tech companies can learn something from Microsoft’s cases; they should be more careful that their innovations and products satisfy competition and regulation policies. Furthermore, the USA and EU and their relatively slow and traditional policymaking should consider changing some policies or should be more flexible and adaptive in light of the rapidly changing and innovative high-tech industry, whereas policies do not follow the rapid change of this industry.
In both cases was concluded that Microsoft had a monopoly and that it abused its monopoly status using anticompetitive practices, consequently harming the original equipment manufacturers and consumers.

Bibliography:
1. Antitrust: Commission imposes € 899 million penalty on Microsoft for non-compliance with March 2004 Decision. [Online] Available at: http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=IP/08/318&format=HTML&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en (Accessed: 16 April 2011)
2. Cusumano, M.A., Selby, R.W. (1995). Microsoft Secrets: How the World’s Most Powerful Software Company Creates Technology, Shapes Markets, and Manages People. New York: The Free Press.
3. Economides, N. and Lianos, I. (2010) A Critical Appraisal of Remedies in the E.U. Microsoft Cases. Columbia Business Law Review, 2010(2)
4. Genakos, C., Kuhn, K.U., Van Reenen, J., (2007). The European Commission versus Microsoft: competition policy in high-tech industries [Online] Available at: http://www.ecis.eu/documents/Finalversion_Consumerchoicepaper.pdf (Accessed: 14 April 2011)
5. Gilbert, R.J., Katz, M.L, (2001). An Economist's Guide to U.S. v. Microsoft.  The Journal of Economic Perspectives. 15(2), pp. 25-44.
6. Klein, B. (2001). The Microsoft Case: What Can a Dominant Firm Do to Defend Its Market Position? The Journal of Economic Perspectives 15(2)
7. Motta, M. (2004) Competition Policy: Theory and Practice. New York: Cambridge University Press.
8. Microsoft’s Annual Reports [Online] Available at: http://www.microsoft.com/investor/AnnualReports/default.aspx (Accessed: 14 April 2011)
9. Microsoft case: Implementation of the Decision. European Commission [Online] Available at: http://ec.europa.eu/competition/sectors/ICT/microsoft/implementation.html (Accessed: 15 April 2011)
10. Rubinfeld, D. (2009) Maintenance of Monopoly: U.S. v. Microsoft (2001) The Antitrust Revolution: Economics, Competition, and Policy, 5th edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 530-557 [Online].Available at: http://www.law.berkeley.edu/faculty/rubinfeldd/Profile/publications/MaintenanceMonopoly08.pdf (Accessed: 18 April 2011)
11. Schmalensee, R. (2000). Antitrust Issues in Schumpeterian Industries.  The American Economic Review. 90(2) pp. 192-196. 
12. The President of the Court of First Instance Dismisses Microsoft’s Application for Interim Measure. [Online].Available at: http://curia.europa.eu/en/actu/communiques/cp04/aff/cp040103en.pdf (Accessed: 17 April 2011)
13. U.S. Court of Appeals Opinion [online] Available at: http://www.microsoft.com/presspass/legal/06-28opinion.mspx (Accessed: 14 April 2011)
14. Vickers, J. (2005). Abuse of Market Power.  The Economic Journal. 115(504), Features pp. f244-f261.
15. What is Middleware? [Online] Available at: http://www.middleware.org/whatis.html (Accessed: 16 April 2011)
16. Wilcox, J. (1999) Judge Calls Microsoft a Monopoly [online] Available at:  http://news.cnet.com/2100-1040-232565.html (Accessed: 15 April 2011)






Thursday 18 October 2012

Labour relations: The Japanese approach to management – is it under threat?


The Japanese labour market is characterised by the lifetime employment system, seniority-based wages, and labour dualism. As this article will show, there is no evidence that the system of lifetime employment will change in the near future, although there is progress in the field of payment systems. Since Japan is facing the rapid ageing of its population and labour force changes must be made in Japan in order to maintain the strong competitive position in the global economy.  
This article consists of four parts. The first part provides an insight into Japan’s population and labour force. The second and the third part describe the functioning of Japanese labour markets. Final remarks explaining why Japanese labour practices are under a threat is set out in the conclusion.

JAPAN’S POPULATION AND LABOUR FORCE
Japan's population was growing continuously for almost four decades, but in 2010 Japan’s population fell to the 2000 level, as showed in Figure 1. The population is expected to fall in the long run as the falling birth-rate and the aging population change the population composition (Statistics Bureau, 2011). Expectations are that by 2050 the Japan’s population will fall by 25 million people. Between 1970 and 2000, as Japan’s population grew, its labour force  also increased. Thereafter the number of employed people started to fall and the unemployment rate increased and in 2010 it reached 5.1 per cent, still representing a very low unemployment rate relative to other developed countries . Throughout the observed period, almost half the population was employed. The reasons for the low unemployment rates are mainly attributable to the lifetime employment system, minimum wage laws, unemployment compensation and the demographic structure of the labour force (Flath, 2005).  




Labour force (in 000)

Year
Population (in 000)
Employed
Unemployed
Unemployment rate (%)

1970
104,665
55,094
590
1.1
1980
116,794
55,360
1,140
2.0
1990
123,191
62,490
1,340
2.1
2000
126,706
64,460
3,200
4.7
2005
127,449
63,560
2,940
4.4
2010
126,995
62,570
3,340
5.1
(2025)
(120,793)
-
-
-
(2050)
(101,659)
-
-
-







Figure 1: Japan’s population and labour force
Source: The Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training (2011)  

Figure 2 shows the labour force participation rate  by age group for both men and women in 1975 and 2009. The proportion  of men who are members of the labour force are similar in each year, where the participation rate of men aged between 25 and 55 was over  95 per cent. The situation is different when considering the women’s participation rate. Even though the percentage of young women aged between 15 and 24, has not changed throughout the period, there is a significant change of participation rate of women aged 25 to 64. The percentage of women in the labour force increased, with respective percentage in the age group 24-29 increasing by 35 per cent, and other age groups experienced the change of 6 up to 14 per cent, but the percentage remained almost the same for women aged 65. In 1975 and 2009 the curves are shaped as a letter M and they indicate that women leave the labour force when they are starting a family and re-join the labour force after the burden of child-rearing is reduced (Statistic Bureau, 2011). The advance of technology and improved educational status of women have increased women’s labour productivity and therefore resulted in a greater participation rate (Flath, 2005).  Women who follow this pattern are not included in lifetime employment system of large companies (Flath, 2005).
Figure 2: Labour force participation rate by sex and age group
Source: The Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training 























The largest proportion of Japanese women is in clerical and related jobs and in the protective and other services, where they account for over 50 per cent of the labour force in both 1980 and 2010.  As shown in Figure 3, the proportion of female workers has consistently been very low in the transport and communication sector over the past 30 years. Women are also rarely employed as managers and officials, but they improved their status over the period. In general, Japanese women are not well-educated or career-minded and they earn substantially less than Japanese men (Flath, 2005) which can explain the small proportion of women as managers or similar occupations. 

Figure 3: Percentage of female workers by occupation
Source: Statistical Handbook of Japan 2011 by Statistics Bureau



















In the 40-year period the Japanese structure of employment has changed, hence the ratios of primary and secondary industries fell and tertiary industry rose and it is the main sector industry in Japan.  More than 70 per cent of people are employed in the service industry . 

Figure 4: Structure of employment by country
Source: Statistical Handbook of Japan 2011 by Statistics Bureau
















The Japanese employment structure nowadays is quite similar to the UK’s and the USA’s structure. This is not surprising since Japan, the UK and the USA are developed countries which are heavily weighted towards the service sector; in contrast, industries such as manufacturing and agriculture are the main industries for developing and emerging countries like Turkey, Thailand and of course China  . 
Since developing countries have a cheaper production (e.g. low cost labour, economies of scale) there is a big possibility that Japan will transfer its remained production and manufacturing plants to those countries in order to achieve global competitive advantages and at that time the ratio of primary and secondary industry will be even smaller. This can lead to the changes of the lifetime employment and payment systems in Japan.

PAYMENT SYSTEMS IN JAPAN
Japanese people during their lives rarely change their jobs and employers and receive a larger component of pay based strictly on the number of years of continual service, which represents the pattern of lifetime employment and seniority-based wages (Flath, 2005). The argument for seniority-based wage nenko system is that workers with more years of formal education and with longer experience in occupation have more skills and contribute more to the output and revenues of their employers; hence their services are in greater demand. In that case, the earnings of workers that possess skills will remain above those of workers who lack them. This system is used to control and motivate the employees of large companies. Furthermore, it discourages quits and increases the onerousness of early dismissal and has enabled large Japanese companies to economize on the costs of training employees in skills that are specific to their respective work-places, while preserving employee incentives to exert effort (Flath, 2005). 
Rebick (2001) argues that the seniority-based wage system was common in the 1950s, but through the 1960s and 1970s almost all large companies adopted shokuno-shikaku seido or in other words, the ability-qualification wage payment system. In this system, workers are primarily paid according to the qualifications that they receive for developing skills but there are still some links to seniority in this payment system. Nowadays, many companies are moving away from the ability-qualification wage payment system by imposing the new payment system based on the ability shown through actual performance on the job. Due to a limited number of managerial positions, companies are more interested in the development of specialist skills through which workers can demonstrate their abilities. 
A widespread practice in Japan is to reward workers by giving them bonuses twice a year and those bonuses are not given just to the senior executives, but also to any other employee, which is not the case in the USA (Flath, 2005). Moreover, bonuses account for a large proportion of overall annual earnings and they are not linked to individual performance but reflect the wider performance of the company.

LIFETIME EMPLOYMENT, LABOUR MOBILITY AND ENTERPRISE UNIONS
Kato (2000) describes the practice of lifetime employment as an indispensible ingredient of successful Japanese management. The lifetime employment system is related to the fact that Japanese companies avoid dismissals in order to protect their investment in training employees (Flath, 2005).  Under this practice, an employee is hired by a company immediately after school graduation, receives training on the job, and remains with the same company until his retirement (Raisan and Hashimoto, 1985) or the employee changes fewer companies over his lifetime (Flath, 2005). A long-term employment relationship is a principal reason for Japan's high labour productivity (Raisan and Hashimoto, 1985). 
The lifetime employment resulted in lower labour mobility in Japan. Surveys demonstrate that this system has not changed over the years. Kato (2000) in his survey presented quantitative evidence on changes in the prevalence of lifetime employment from the 1980s to the 1990s. He found little evidence of decline in lifetime employment and confirmed that the practice of lifetime employment applies only to men and that long-term employment is more prevalent in Japan than in the USA, as shown in the Figure 5. Between the 1980s and 1990s 55.22% of Japanese male employees, aged 20-24  with more than 5 years of tenure, retained the same job 15 years later but only 28.45% did so in the USA. Each age group shows similar results, whereby Japan has considerably higher retention rates than the USA. 

1982 (1983)
Japan (1982 – 97)
U.S. (1983 – 98)
Age
Tenure (years)
15 – year retention rate (%)
15 – year retention rate (%)
15 – 19
0 – 4
39.99
4.59
20 – 24
0 – 4
5 +
51.08
55.22
13.92
28.45
25 – 34
0 – 4
5 +
52.24
73.64
20.13
48.14
35 – 39 (35 – 44)
0 – 4
5 +
46.65
78.44
22.06
52.14
Figure 5: Fifteen-year job retention rates of male employees in Japan and the United States
Source: Kato 2000

In 2011 Japan’s Statistic Bureau and Kosugi  carried out a similar survey on labour’s mobility in Japan, both showing the low labour mobility in this decade. Labour dualism is a characteristic of Japanese labour market which is divided into regular or permanent workers and non-regular or temporary workers (OECD, 2011).  
Figure 6 shows there were 51.11 million employees of whom 65.7 per cent were regular staff members in 2010. The ratio of regular staff members among all male employees was 81.1%, while the corresponding ratio for females was 46.2%, which is consistent with Kato’s (2000) survey. Women are mostly temporary workers while men are regular staff members. 

(in 000)

Employees*
Regular staff
Percentage
Non– regular staff
Total
51,110
33,550
65.7
17,550
Males
28,480
23,090
81.1
5,390
Females
22,630
10,460
46.2
12,180
*Excluding company executives.
Figure 6: Employment by employment pattern (2010)
Source: Statistical Handbook of Japan 2011 by Statistics Bureau

Kosugi’s recent study showed that only 13.9% employees changed their status, from non-regular to regular. Regular workers represent 75% of men and only 34.9 % of women, hence women are mostly hired as temporary workers and they rarely make the transition to permanent status, which demonstrates the strong position of men in Japan.  Since the transition rate from non-regular to regular status is low, a worker who accepts non-regular employment faces a high probability of never escaping this category, with its accompanying low wages, reduced training, precarious jobs and limited social insurance coverage (OECD, 2011).

Survey of 4000 workers between the ages 25 and 44 (Kosugi,2010), in %
Men
Women
Total
Regular workers
75.0
34.9
58.4
Workers hired directly from school who maintain regular status
30.9
13.5
23.7
Workers who changed jobs while maintaining regular status
17.7
3.7
11.9
Non – regular workers who became regular workers in a different firm
11.5
9.6
10.7
Non – regular workers who became regular workers in the same firm
3.6
2.5
3.2
Workers who were self-employed or voluntarily unemployed
11.3
5.7
9.0
Non regular workers
8.6
53.8
27.3
Workers with experience as regular workers
1.3
7.4
3.8
Workers who have remained non-regular workers
3.9
31.1
15.2
Self-employed executives and family workers
16.4
11.4
14.3
Workers with experience changing from non-regular to regular status
1.7
1.1
1.5
Figure 7: Employees by past employment history
Source: OECD 2011

Japan, as many other countries, also has labour unions but most Japanese unions are enterprise unions which collect the employees of a single firm, not the whole industry (Flath, 2005). In Japan, enterprise unions account for more than 90 per cent of all unions and organized workers (Jeong, Aguliera, 2008). The prevalent members of enterprise unions are regular workers of large manufacturing company. Therefore, union members are workers employed in the system of the lifetime employment and seniority-based wages (Flath, 2005), which means that non-regular workers, mostly women are in disadvantageous situation. The enterprise unions utilize negotiations and labour-management consultations to improve working conditions, to monitor corporate activities, and to provide services to their members . 
Jeong and Aguliera (2008) see the enterprise unionism in Japan as a result of labour’s failure in institutionalizing horizontal unions where state and management played a huge role in defeating the horizontal and industrial unionism which were seen as the threats to the government and large companies. 

CONCLUSION 
Traditional Japanese labour market practices, such as the lifetime employment, seniority-based wage system and labour dualism are no longer appropriate since Japan’s economic growth is low, the population is ageing, unemployment rising and globalisation shifted the balance of power which has dented Japan’s long term competitive advantage. Due to globalisation many companies in developed countries have transferred their production and manufacturing plants to developing and emerging markets since production is cheaper there and in that way they can cope in increasingly competitive markets. Japan is expected to do the same. Because of that the ratio of primary and secondary industry will reduce and Japan will need to re-educate part of its workers so they are able to work in the service sector. All this can lead to the changes of the lifetime employment and payment systems in Japan. Labour market dualism must be revised for the same reason and economic policy and management attitudes must adapt in order for Japan to cope in an increasingly competitive environment. Low labour mobility, lifetime employment and nenko system mean lower competition between workers and these practices can reduce the incentive to work hard for the company.  Since the population of Japan is rapidly aging, they should draw more women into the labour force, but in order to do that, sex discrimination must be addressed. Women should be able to work and raise a family at the same and this can foster population growth. Furthermore, Japan should invest more in the education of women and they need to be paid at the same rate as men so women can become career-minded workers.

References
1. Blomstrom, M., Ganges, B., & Croix, S., (2001) Japan’s New Economy: Continuity and change in the twenty - first century. New York: Oxford University Press.
2. Flath, D., (2005) The Japanese economy, 2nd Edition. New York: Oxford University Press.
3. Hashimoto, M., Raisan, J. (1985) Employment Tenure and Earnings Profiles in Japan and the United States. The American Economic Review, 75 (4) pp. 721-735
4. Jeong, D.Y., Aguliera, R.V. (2008). The Evolution of Enterprise Unionism in Japan: A Socio-Political Perspective. British Journal of Industrial Relations 46 (1), pp. 98-132
5. Kato, T., (2000) The end of lifetime employment in Japan? Evidence from National Surveys and Field Research, Journal of the Japanese and International Economies, 15, pp. 489-514.
6. Naughton, B. (2007) the Chinese Economy: Transitions and Growth. Cambridge: MIT
7. OECD Economic Surveys: Japan [online]. Available at: http://www.keepeek.com/Digital-Asset-Management/oecd/economics/oecd-economic-surveys-japan-2011/labour-market-reforms-to-improve-growth-and-equity_eco_surveys-jpn-2011-8-en
8. The Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training [online]. Available at: http://www.jil.go.jp/english/estatis/databook/2011/02.html
The Statistics Bureau and the Director-General for Policy Planning of Japan [online]. Available at: www.stat.go.jp